The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most powerful holders of that office in American history. Whereas many second-in-commands were confined to peripheral or symbolic positions, Cheney wielded huge influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often called as the "true president".
Bush resented that description and claimed the connection was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, consistently referring to him in public as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even descriptions of their relationship as a partnership because it indicated that they were equals. Regardless of these objections, Cheney considered the laidback president pliable on a broad range of administrative determinations.
The Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a faction of neo-conservatives that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a meeting at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the downing of any non-communicating airplanes approaching the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the attacks altered his perspective, causing him to be focused on retribution. Along with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Controversial Decisions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on inaccurate reports repeated by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do at that time. I had faith back then and I maintain that stance presently."
Yet even then, there were opposing views at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the post. "I witnessed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, inaction, and recklessness: at worst, falsehoods, unfitness, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had composed a memo detailing scenarios in which US concerns might be endangered (including "obtaining essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be prepared to act independently when joint efforts prove impossible," particularly referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of diminishing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a plot to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his predecessor's visage that each person had to walk over.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vehement advocating attacking Iraq, frequently quoting agency briefings that were either thin or totally inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush White House politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no valuable data had been obtained through the torture, Cheney disregarded the report as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to catch the individuals who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in monikers imposed on him by opponents such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the corner that operates invisibly come out of his domain? This represents a nice way to function, actually."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his business interests accompanied him through his period as VP. While he had limited background in business but established relationships in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US agreements valued at substantial sums.
It made him rich. His yearly earnings during his period at the company grew from his $258,394 while defence secretary to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a package totaling more than $20m|twenty
